Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Social Democracy and Health Care, and What About the Indigenous


The social democracy perspective believes in many attributes, a few of them being: the common or collective good is primary, the nation-state’s role is to regulate the economy a belief in levelling out society’s social and economic inequalities, and protect the environment, and also equality of condition as a social goal (Mullaly, 2007, p.123). All these aspects of social democracy contribute to Canada’s health care policy in that it is universal, and free. In this way, Canadian health care policy emphasises that health care is for the common good of society, and universal health care gives everyone a equal chance to have health care services and an equality of condition. Despite these efforts at equality, there should be more done to help Indigenous people especially, because of their declining health compared to the majority of the Canadian population.
A health survey was done in randomly selected reserves to gather data on the health of Indigenous people in Canada. The results of the survey concluded that, on average, Indigenous people’s health quality is much less then the average Canadians. The author states that, “the rates of chronic health conditions were generally higher among First Nations adults compared with the NPHS-O [National Population Health Survey – Ottawa]” (Faries et al., 2003, p.170). With Indigenous people’s health declining, more must be done to help Indigenous people and their health with more access to programs, funding, and institutions.
            In conclusion, although health care in Canada is universal and free, Indigenous people’s health is not in the same condition as the average Canadian. Indigenous people do not have equal living and quality of life conditions, and something must be done to correct the situation Indigenous people are facing.  


Desapriya, E. (2010). First Nations Health Data. Canadian Medical Association. Journal, 281. Retrieved from http://sfxhosted.exlibrisgroup.com/umanitoba?sid=sfxit.com:citation&id=doi:10.1503/cmaj.110-2028
MacMillian, H.L., Walsh, C.A., Jamieson, E., Wong, M., Faries, E.J., McCue, H., et al. (2003). The health of ontario first nations people. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 94(3), 168-168-72. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/220177307?accountid=14569
Mullaly, B. (2007). The New Structural Social Work. Canada: Oxford University Press.

-Kerri




Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Neo-Conservatism & Violence Against Indigenous Women


For this blog I wanted to bring forth a significant issue that impacts Indigenous people, specifically Indigenous women within Canada. I thought that bringing forward the issue of the 600+ Missing and Murdered Indigenous women within this country would be important because it continues to be a tragic and unforgettable issue that is an endemic within our country. I wanted to talk about specifically how the neo-conservative government has negatively influenced the social policy regarding the Human Rights of Indigenous women within Canada. This is an issue that in my eyes is being pushed aside by the neo-conservative government.


According to Mullaly (2007) “Social Justice, to neo-conservatives, is based on the belief in the individual responsibility. That is, every individual has a responsibility to look after him or herself” (pp. 78). I personally do not see the issue of the 600+ Indigenous women who have gone missing and have been killed going away anytime soon, and more importantly without the recognition and help in the form of funding from the government. In my opinion there needs to be more social programming in the form of education and prevention for Indigenous women who are targeted. The neo-conservative government promotes individuality but in all honesty responsibility cannot only be on the individual it has to be communal and national because it affects communities and our nation.


The Native Women’s Association of Canada (NAWC): Sisters in Spirit was developed in 2005, to act as a research, education, and policy initiative that was created by Indigenous women for Indigenous human rights (NWAC, 2011). In 2010 the conservative government released their plans to defund the Sisters in Spirit database which has helped indigenous women, families and has assisted police to assist in finding those who have gone missing or who have been killed as justice for these women and their families. To have it defunded is a serious mistake, to waste the resources and relationships developed over the years seems to be a foolish decision made on the governments’ part.

Although there were many conservative party individuals that believed this database that was created by the Native Women’s Association of Canada was and is important and should be kept going, the majority of the government opposed. The overall outcome was that it was to be defunded and the organization was not to use government monies to fund projects using the name Sisters in Spirit or for upkeep of their database (APTN National News, 2010).

What does this mean for the human rights of Indigenous women and the justice families deserve?

Mullaly states “Neo-conservatives are highly skeptical of attempts to improve life through social policy and social intervention” (pp. 78), this was evident in the Conservative MP Shelly Glovers' statement regarding the defunding of Sisters in Spirit. Glover Stated “Don’t mix apples and oranges. That project was finished, now we're working with them to pursue other projects." (Barrera, 2010). The so called “other project” that Mrs. Glover is speaking of is the RCMP database that will be launched in 2013. Barrera (2010) states this project as “the creation of a new police support centre for missing persons, along with promised amendments to the Criminal Code…”.  

First question I have is 2013? It is 2011, until then what are Indigenous women and families supposed to do until then, and in all reality will it be based on the data the Native Women’s Association of Canada developed specifically for Indigenous women?  I don’t think so!

This new RCMP database won’t solely be targeted to Indigenous people or specifically women, but will base its data on Canada as a whole, which for some critiques say puts the power and money into the laps of the RCMP (Barrera, 2010). I find this problematic, will this significant issue of violence against Indigenous women be addressed in this country or will the numbers have to rise to 10,000 before social change occurs for Indigenous women? To be quite frank if the numbers were this high do you honestly think the government would do anything? In my honest opinion I don’t think they would, because they haven’t and they have taken away one of a few developments to help stop violence against Indigenous women. That’s individualism for you!

The issue of defunding an organization that has started to create social change in research, education, and policy for Indigenous women and families highlights the neo-conservative paradigm, which reinforces individual responsibility, and scepticism of improving life through social policy.  

-Danielle

References

APTN National News. ( 2010, November 8). Native Women’s Association felt “betrayed”by Conservative Government. Retrived from http://aptn.ca/pages/news/2010/11/08/native-womens-association-betrayed-by-conservative-government/.

Barrera, J. & APTN National News (2010, November 4). Moon setting on Sisters in Spirit.Retrieved from http://aptn.ca/pages/news/2010/11/04/moon-setting-on-sisters-in-spirit/.

Mullaly, B. (2007). The New Structural Social Work (3rd ed.). Canada: Oxford University Press.

Native Women’s Association of Canada (2011). Sisters in Spirit. Retrieved from http://www.nwac.ca/programs/sisters-spirit.

Neoconservatism and Homelessness - A Different Take

Homelessness of Indigenous people in Canada is a growing social issue. There are a number of Indigenous people who are homeless as one source notes, “Aboriginal homelessness in major urban areas ranges from 20 to 50 percent of the total homeless population” (Walker, 2005, p.396). Neo-conservatives have a very right winged approach to society and towards social issues.
It is said that neo-conservative social beliefs include freedom, and individualism which often leads to inequality. Neo-conservatism sentiments say, “that people should provide for themselves by exercising their individual freedoms and choices in the competitive marketplace” (Mullaly, 2007, p.83). Most Indigenous people are homeless because “education levels tend to be lower, unemployment rates higher, and incomes are on average lower” (Walker, 2005, p.396), which does not give most Indigenous people a chance to compete in the market place. It can be said that neo-conservatives frown upon homeless people because of their inability to compete in the market place.
Take for example, a neo-conservative perspective on homelessness and how it pertains with the situation a woman I knew who experienced homelessness. The woman was an Indigenous person who went through the experience of being homeless and did not follow the neo-conservative perspective of society as it pertains to “homelessness”. She became homeless due to the circumstances that had nothing to do with her educational background. She was well educated, a professional and had a job but still became homeless. Her situation did not follow the neo-conservative social tenets, which believe homelessness occurs when one does not have the educational background. Neo-conservatives believe you will be successful if you work hard but they do not include people that go through unfortunate situations.

- Kerri

Mullaly, B. (2007). The New Structural Social Work. Canada: Oxford University Press
Walker, R. (2005). Social Cohesion? A Critical Review of the Urban Aboriginal Strategy and its Application to Address Homelessness in Winnipeg. Canadian journal of native studies, 25, 359. Retrieved from http://www2.brandonu.ca.proxy2.lib.umanitoba.ca/library/CJNS/25.2/cjnsv25no2_pg395-416.pdf 

Liberalism Ideology and Indigenous People

As was sharply observed in class, there are make differences between Neo-conservativism and Liberalism. Ideas of social justice and society vary greatly between both paradigms of thinking, which are clearly illustrated in Mullaly's textbook The New Structural Social Work: Third Edition. In specifically the realm of social justice, the Neo-Conservative view is very staunchly individualistic, while also maintaining that there are no "Social Problems", only issues created by individual failings to cope within society. Up until the 1950's, Canada's view to the social welfare state was conservative, but after World War Two, there came a shift in thinking which resulted in a more Liberalist ideal. "However, the dominant paradigm that accompanied the emergence of the post-war welfare state in Canada and the United States, and to a lesser extent Britain, is reform liberalism." (Mullaly, 2007, p.94)
Liberalism still maintains individualism, but also recognizes that social problems are inherent because of a flawed economic model. They do, however, wish to promote equal opportunity, which in turn supports the individual to self-determination and actualisation. However, there is a short-fall in this method of thinking, in that Liberalism does not take into account those having equal opportunity given their social status in society. "Liberals do not consider the possibility that some people in society, because of their social position and resources, may be in a better position to exploit these so-called available opportunities than others." (Mullaly, 2007, p.98)

How does this pertain to Indigenous People?

In 2006, the Liberal Government made a historic attempt to close the gap between Indigenous Peoples and society as a larger whole, with the creation of the Kelowna Accord. If the Kelowna Accord had been seen through to completion, it would have seen significant increases into health, education, essential services like water, and addressed the housing issue. 

While Liberalism at first glance seems to provide Indigenous Peoples with the tools necessary to become "A better behaved and socially developed individual" (Nahdee, 1999, p.3), Liberalism does not allow for fundamental social change that would be required. In fact, Liberalism is only a small slide to the left from Neo-Conservativism in regards to social policy and Indigenous Peoples. While needed social change is acknowledged, it is only in small policy changes to fit the existing system that they are willing to make the effort. "Therefore, the response to social problems is not to alter the system dramaicall but to (1) purge it of as many inefficiencies as possible by way of minor social reform; and (2) purge it of injustices by tending to those persons who are hurt by the system." (Mullaly, 2007, p.102)

So is the Kelowna Accord as great as it was touted to be?

Perhaps not. Perhaps its still a band-aid solution to a much wider issue. According to Nahdee, Liberalism paradigms often times were the proponent to changes within the Indian Act and Indian Reform measures, aimed at aiding in many of the assimilation policies such as the residential school system. "Aspects of aboriginality have been based on a liberal ideology which emphasizes the equalization of citizenship and economic opportunity." (Nahdee, 1999, p.2)
There have been other liberal policies as well, aimed at removing the social inequality of Indigenous Peoples. Trudeau tried to introduce "White Paper" in 1969 as a solution to ending Aboriginal treaty rights and special status. While under Liberal paradigm it was seen as a way to remove the inequality in a capitalistic system, it was an ill-fitting solution that proposed to remove the very thing that gave Indigenous People their identity  and culture in the eyes of society, and not just mainstream society.

In both the Kelowna Accord and the case of White Paper, it seems the Government was responsible for retracting them, both for very different reasons. White Paper was retracted in the spirit of government fault, while the Kelowna Accord was killed because of an election.

At least in the case of the Kelowna Accord, Indigenous People were consulted, just as they were for The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples was done before the Kelowna Accord was proposed, and the RCAP's main goal was a need to change social policy and increase social spending.

Perhaps there was something to be learned from White Paper after all.

~Shauna

Mullaly, R. (2007). The new structural social work (3rd Ed.). Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.

Dickason, O.P. and Newbigging, W. (2010). A Concise History of Canada's First Nations (2nd Ed.).  Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.

Nahdee, R. (1999). The Liberal Ideal and Aboriginality: Concepts of Citizenship and Self-Determination. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI.

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

“…I should get a free education?”

What I want to examine in this entry is a section of Canada’s most ancient of policies, a topic that is covered in the Indian Act of 1867 and in the various treaties signed with this country’s first people group; the topic being the education offered to the indigenous people of Canada. The result of these writings is that for those deemed Status Indians by the Ministry of Indian Affairs are able to apply for funding for post-secondary education; this being a topic that sparks discussion in the world of academia, specifically with those who come from a neo-conservative background. For those social work students who plan on working with the Indigenous people, I believe this is a very relevant topic to be aware of before entering the field.

Looking over what Mullaly highlights regarding neo-conservatives, saying they believe that “everyone should provide for his or her own needs through work, savings, and the acquisition of property” (Mullaly, 2007, p. 83) and regarding problems that people “do not deserve help from government or from hard-working, responsible, and honest tax payers” (Mullaly, 2007, p. 83). This is basically word verbatim what I have heard people argue regarding Indigenous funding in post-secondary institutions, which I agree is a valid argument yet still fails to look at the larger picture of societal issues. Let’s look at another man’s view…


Joseph Quesnel argues that
interpretation to the original treaties signed need to be reexamined as they are faulty, that the Indigenous are selective in what they emphasize from the treaties, and concludes that payment for one’s own education will result in self-betterment for the Indigenous person (Quesnel, 2009). I have to roll my eyes on his argument’s starting point is on semantics when he does not even cite his own paper appropriately; some direct quotations and links to electronic copies of the treaties would have been helpful on his part, so that the reader can interpret the clause for his or herself. On his second point, he does not present a case where certain treaty specifics were ignored; I do not doubt their existence, but I would like to see the evidence from history. On his conclusion, it is true that character building is hard work, but recommending reimbursed self-funding is not the only way to reach the moral high ground…

While I think that books can be written (and read!) on this topic, this post is meant to instigate personal reflection on a topic that is touchy for a lot of different reasons. Individuals with a conservative view needs to examine such factors like the percentage of Indigenous living below the poverty line and how that effects school, the social status of said people group and the impact that has on self-esteem, and understand the vicious cycle involving those who attended residential schools and are now raising families of their own.


-Kel 

Mullaly, R. (2007). The new structural social work (3rd Ed.). Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.

Quesnel, J. (2009, January 22). Free Aboriginal Education is Not A Treaty Entitlement. Retrieved from http://www.fcpp.org/publication.php/2563